The UN points out that the progress on the SDG5 on gender equality has been , indicating the gravity of the problem. This stems from women鈥檚 underrepresentation in political and social institutions or prevalence of societal barriers that undermine their rights to development opportunities. A crucial question to ask in the field of gender and education is – why gender disparities have persisted despite the efforts and claimed achievements of the development interventions over the past decades? International organisations that are working towards the SDG5 milestones tend to focus on outcomes in , often prioritising the measurement of gender disparities at the empirical levels. However, the visible gender inequalities are deeply rooted in structural conditions and social fabrics of the society. Hence, it is essential to examine the gendered nature of social, economic and political structures to understand the drivers of gender inequalities. Education systems are complicit in social reproduction by fuelling gendered values, expectations and norms.

Gender is an inseparable dimension in the process of national identity formation. The political authority of the nation state defines the nature of gender relationship through social policies and educational provisions. To analyse how gender is represented in the discourse about national identity and how gender is depicted in the school curricula, this blog will focus on school education as a key instrument in inculcating 鈥渙fficial knowledge鈥� and shaping students鈥� worldviews and identities. I explore the role of formal textbooks prescribed in the school curriculum in Uzbekistan in shaping the notion of gender and power relations between women and men. By doing so, I hope to highlight the importance of critiquing structural inequalities and violence and offer insights into gender representation in school textbooks that suggest the kinds of improvement that are needed to promote gender equity.

Gender, education and production of national identity

School education plays a key role in production of gender norms through curriculum and pedagogy and enforces the ways through which students learn about gender roles, stereotypes, and social expectations. In other words, they are taught how to think and behave 鈥渁ppropriately鈥� as a girl, boy, woman and man, and shaping individuals鈥� understanding of social and cultural norms associated with it. Gender is socially constructed and regulated through and other intersectional identity markers such as ethnicity, language and religion, among others. Nation as an , constituting heterogenous social groups, requires an overarching unifying factor to promote social cohesion. In this process, education serves as a key institutionalising channel to foster shared national consciousness and cohesive national identity. Nevertheless, in the , internal heterogeneity and intersectionality are often disregarded since the totalisation process tends to produce 鈥渋nternal hierarchy鈥� based on various identity markers, such as gender, thereby enabling dominant groups to exert power. Constructed though inclusion and exclusion processes, and are in a constant process of production and performance. State institutions, such as schools are heavily involved in generating and sustaining gendered relationships to legitimise national identity and nurture a particular kind of national awareness. Hence, school curricula, textbooks and practices, including rituals, ceremonies and celebrations, and everyday social interactions, contribute to transmit and reinforce not only prevailing gender stereotypes and norms and but also power hierarchies between women and men.

School textbooks, serving as primary source in shaping students鈥� perspectives about their society, including their understanding of gender, have been the focus of extensive. Despite recognition of efforts towards gender equity, textbooks tend to overwhelmingly present that assign distinct roles, responsibilities and values to women and men. Women not only face in educational materials but are also frequently depicted in , reinforcing their inferior position in society and hence implicitly reproducing power imbalances.

Depiction of gender norms in school textbooks in Uzbekistan

As part of my doctoral research, investigating the relationship between school education and youth national identities in Uzbekistan, I conducted an analysis of textual and visual contents within the grades 10 and 11 Uzbekistani school textbooks, namely Tarbiya (Upbringing). By employing a post-structuralist discourse analysis lens, I examined the educational discourses relating to processes of national identity formation and explored the underlying structural meanings of curricular contents, capturing both the 鈥渆xplicit鈥� and 鈥渓atent鈥� features. Despite the explicit commitment to the importance of girls鈥� education, respect for women and their participation in society, the narratives presented in these textbooks are gendered, often ascribing primacy and superiority to men. Notably, visual representations were predominantly male dominated, with 68% (G10) and 62% (G11) contents featuring men as compared to 32% (G10) and 38% (G11) featuring women. Furthermore, men were largely depicted in power-vested, high-wage and 鈥減restigious鈥� social positions, such as doctor, scientist, and politician. Similarly, the national pride and glory were predominantly associated with men, encompassing historical icons, national heroes, athletes and winners in international intellectual competitions. Despite the nominal promotion of female empowerment, these asymmetrically gendered textual and iconographic discourses inevitably foster biased perceptions of gender, fuelling gender inequalities. Furthermore, whilst both women and men are portrayed with respect, distinct gendered traits are reinforced throughout the textbooks. Womanhood is often linked to qualities of love, gentleness, fragility and modesty, whereas the manhood is often associated with authority, admiration and strength. When women and men are portrayed in family settings, the former are frequently depicted as primarily responsible for house chores, while the latter assigned to protective roles within the family. Women are often discursively represented as a social group that depends on men, particularly in spousal relationships where wives are expected to seek affirmations and approval from their husbands. Interestingly, the figures that are portrayed as immoral, disobedient, ill-mannered and criminal are predominantly associated with men.

The above analysis demonstrates that school education primarily serves as a pivotal force in constructing and normalising discourses that convey social and cultural values, expectations and norms, thereby fucntioning as a powerful state anchored process shaping both gender and national identities. However, these discourses often manifest in asymetric ways, attributing different national imageries, including values, roles, duties and expectations, to women and men as citizens. Such practicies thus not only crystalise power relations and gender inequalities, but also marginalise those who 鈥渄esobey鈥� or 鈥渄eviate鈥� from the habituated norms, leaving little space for debates about gender-based injustices and the need for change.

Conclusion

Educational institutions, as microcosms of a broader society, can play a crucial role in reproducing gender inequalities. Should the education systems aim to curb deeply rooted perceptions about unequal gender norms and practices, school textbooks need to be sensitive to gender disparities that are prevalent in the society. Therefore, a critical analysis of educational discourses, particularly how gender is represented and taught through the school textbooks, is needed to deconstruct the structural situatedness of gender. This could help researchers, policy makers and practitioners to reconceptualise the manners in which individuals perceive and perform gender. The transformative potential lies in recognising and rectifying these structural imbalances and hierarchy and fostering educational envrionments that contribute to a more inclusive, just, and cohesive society and positive peace.

Vanessa Ozawa is a doctoral scholar at Nazarbayev University, Kazakhstan

Email: zk.ude.unobfsctd-89a363@awazo.assenav 

Vanessa Ozawa

Vanessa is an Education Researcher at the International Rescue Committee UK, working primarily on the FCDO-funded Education Research in Conflict and Protracted Crisis (ERICC) Programme. This research initiative focuses on promoting education in conflict- and crisis-affected settings and exploring the role of education in advancing equity, social cohesion, and sustainable peace. Within the programme, Vanessa collaborates closely with scholars from the UCL Institute of Education, one of ERICC鈥檚 consortium partners, on issues related to gender, inclusion, social justice, and peacebuilding. Her work particularly engages with the contexts of Cox鈥檚 Bazar, Myanmar, South Sudan, and Syria. Vanessa specialises in Central Asian contexts, with a particular focus on the role of education in shaping national identity through the intersectionality of ethnicity, gender, and religion, areas that were central to her doctoral research. Email: zk.ude.unobfsctd-452047@awazo.assenav

Since 1991, Uzbekistan, a multi-ethnic Central Asian state where of the population is under 30, has prioritized its youth as a 鈥溾�� in nation-building efforts. With the aim to fill the void left by the Soviet-style socialist ideologies, the state has placed significant emphasis on constructing a new national identity that embodies its unique history, culture and society. In this process, educational institutions, particularly schools, have emerged as the primary platforms for instilling national values and fostering patriotism among young people. This blog presents the preliminary findings of my doctoral research, focusing on the analysis of two Uzbekistani school textbooks, Tarbiya (Upbringing), in grades 10 and 11. Through the analytical lens of post-structuralism, I explore the role of education in shaping Uzbekistani youth national identity, critically examining the various national markers embedded within the curriculum.

The is crucial for states, particularly in new states, such as those in post-colonial contexts, where state formation sometimes precedes nation formation. Distinct from a state, which is a political and legal entity with a clearly defined territory, a central government, citizens and sovereignty together, a nation does not have a physical or objective existence but exists upon collective consciousness that individuals are connected and share essential commonalities, such as language, ethnicity, religion, culture, history and aspirations to live together. Whilst a nation does not necessarily require a territory and hence can be stateless, it is a group of people who commonly aspire for territorial sovereignty and control over political institutions. Hence, a nation is an 鈥溾��, socially and discursively constructed. However, since every state comprises of heterogeneous individuals who do not necessarily share commonalities or aspirations, the state is actively involved in pursuing nation-building agendas to ensure internal unity and constructing a singular national identity. Nevertheless, in the process of constructing an overarching homogenous national identity and under its rhetoric of internal unity, which is primarily drawn upon the national imageries of the dominant groups, internal plurality and inclusiveness are often overlooked, leading to power asymmetries and inequalities among different social groups.

The national education system and the state have an inextricable relationship as school education plays a significant role in unifying a state as a nation by and normalising the sense of national belonging among children and young people. , a state-endorsed institution, indeed instils not only knowledge and skills but also moral and cultural values and thus constructs national identities. Through state-controlled educational discourses, including curriculum, pedagogy, assessment and mundane daily practices, who perform their national identities to fit the 鈥渘ormativity鈥�. Hence, whatever the political ideologies, whether democracy or dictatorship, education is widely utilised by states to construct a unifying national identity and 鈥�.鈥� Therefore, it is essential to examine the structural dimensions of national identities, in which educational processes are significantly implicated, to understand the root causes of inequalities and tensions among different social groups.

School textbooks, serving as the primary source in crystalising 鈥渙fficial knowledge鈥� and thus shaping students鈥� perspectives of societies, have been the focus of extensive . Reflecting that school discourses primarily reflect dominant groups鈥� ideologies, show that despite recognition of efforts towards equity and inclusiveness, textbooks often present asymmetric discourses and build national imageries around dominant groups. Women and ethnic and religious minorities are often underrepresented in educational materials, producing and sustaining power imbalances. Moreover, considering identity as a social construct, which is fluid, relational and contingent in constant processes of production and performance through power relations, differentiation and classification, there exists no such 鈥渢rue-self鈥�, and identity, therefore, requires 鈥溾��, in other words, 鈥渙therness鈥�. The on the school processes in shaping national identities indicates the active role of school textbooks in constructing not only 鈥渋nternal others鈥� but also 鈥渆xternal others鈥�, forging the sense of 鈥渋nternal cohesion鈥�.

In my doctoral research exploring the intersection of school education and youth national identities in Uzbekistan, I conducted an analysis of textual and visual discourses found in grades 10 and 11 Uzbekistani school textbooks, specifically Tarbiya (Upbringing). Through a lens of post-structuralist discourse analysis, I examined the educational discourses shaping national identity, uncovering both the overt and underlying structural meanings embedded within the curriculum. The analysis unveiled Uzbekistani national imageries rooted in notions of morality, spirituality, self-discipline, peace, harmony, and glory. These textbooks underscored a range of desired traits and morality presented as national values, emphasising the critical role of 鈥渞ight upbringing and spirituality鈥�. Notably, despite Uzbekistan鈥檚 secular status, religion emerged as a significant theme, ranking as the sixth most mentioned word in the textbooks. Rather than focusing solely on piety, religion was portrayed as a cornerstone of spirituality and goodness, promoting values like peace, tolerance, kindness, and honesty. Moreover, the textbooks celebrated the country鈥檚 national history, glory and achievements across various fields, including science, literature, philosophy, sports, economy and politics, instilling a sense of pride and patriotism among youth. 

In examining the portrayal of 鈥渆xternal others鈥�, particularly in relation to religion, Uzbekistani textbooks often depicted foreign countries as unstable, contrasting with Uzbekistan鈥檚 own image of peace and stability. Threats were framed as external, with Islamic extremism and sects highlighted as primary causes of instability abroad, underscoring the importance of regional peace initiatives. Additionally, while some Western personalities were cited as models alongside Uzbekistani figures, the West was often portrayed as immoral, primarily through its cinematography and fashions. Despite the absence of explicit discourses on 鈥渋nternal others鈥�, gender and ethnicity emerged as primary markers for us/them boundaries constructing 鈥渋nternal others鈥�, namely women and non-Uzbek ethnic minorities. Gendered discourses attributed distinct values, roles, and rules to women and men, potentially reinforcing power hierarchies. Notably, visual representations of national pride and glory tended to favour men, who were predominantly depicted in positions of power, high-wage employment, and prestige. Similarly, although the textbooks emphasised inter-ethnic tolerance and diversity, national heroes and models essentially represented ethnic Uzbeks or those born within Uzbekistan鈥檚 current territory. Moreover, national values and spirituality were often linked to 鈥渙ur ancestors鈥� and Islam, which may inadvertently exclude certain ethnic groups, particularly ethnic Russians, from the discourses of national identity.

The analysis demonstrates that school education primarily serves as a pivotal force in constructing and normalising discourses that convey social and cultural values, expectations and norms, thereby functioning as a powerful state-anchored process shaping national identities. Educational discourses are instrumental in constructing a unifying national identity through shared knowledge and values, particularly in a nation-building context. However, it is also equally important to note that such a singular enforcement of national identity leaves little space for diversity. This leads to the further marginalisation of those considered to 鈥渄isobey鈥� or 鈥渄eviate鈥� from the accepted norms and values. Furthermore, in the process of forming national imageries, these discourses simultaneously shape 鈥渆xternal others鈥� and 鈥渋nternal others鈥�, potentially not only crystalising power relations and reproducing inequalities but also increasing tensions and marginalising certain social groups. Amidst global uncertainty and ongoing conflicts among diverse social groups, a critical understanding of education鈥檚 role in shaping national identities and mitigating structural inequalities and violence becomes essential. Moreover, fostering social cohesion through education is pivotal for promoting sustainable peace within societies.

Vanessa Ozawa

Vanessa is an Education Researcher at the International Rescue Committee UK, working primarily on the FCDO-funded Education Research in Conflict and Protracted Crisis (ERICC) Programme. This research initiative focuses on promoting education in conflict- and crisis-affected settings and exploring the role of education in advancing equity, social cohesion, and sustainable peace. Within the programme, Vanessa collaborates closely with scholars from the UCL Institute of Education, one of ERICC鈥檚 consortium partners, on issues related to gender, inclusion, social justice, and peacebuilding. Her work particularly engages with the contexts of Cox鈥檚 Bazar, Myanmar, South Sudan, and Syria. Vanessa specialises in Central Asian contexts, with a particular focus on the role of education in shaping national identity through the intersectionality of ethnicity, gender, and religion, areas that were central to her doctoral research. Email: zk.ude.unobfsctd-86bc72@awazo.assenav